Modal height and modal flavor: the case of Wolof "di"

Abstract

The Wolof imperfective auxiliary di is compatible with event-in-progress, habitual
and future readings. Furthermore, while varieties of all these readings are available for
di when it sits in a syntactically low position, only future readings are available when it sits
in a syntactically high position. We aim to account for this puzzle by combining several ingredients
independently motivated in the literature: (i) event-relative circumstantial modality
for event-in-progress, habitual, and a subset of future readings; (ii) metaphyisical modality for
generalized future readings; (iii) the idea that syntactic height determines the type of modal
anchor that projects a modal base. This study contributes to our understanding of the relation
between syntactic height and modal flavor, as well as the nature of modal-aspectual interactions
cross-linguistically.
Keywords: aspect, future, habitual, imperfective, modality, modal flavor, progressive.