No explanation for the historical present: temporal sequencing and discourse

Abstract

Discourses in the historical (or narrative) use of the simple present in English prohibit
backshifting, though they allow forward sequencing. Unlike both reference time theories and
discourse coherence theories of these temporal inferences, we propose that backshifting has
a different source from narrative progression. In particular, we argue that backshifting arises
through anaphora to a salient event in the preceding discourse.
Keywords: tense, discourse coherence, coherence relations, perspective.