Quantification in event semantics: generalized quantifiers vs. sub-events

Abstract

The goal of this paper is to evaluate two approaches to quantification in event semantics,
namely the analysis of quantificational DPs in terms of generalized quantifiers and
the analysis proposed in Schein (1993) according to which quantifiers over individuals contain
an existential quantifier over sub-events in their scope. Both analyses capture the fact that the
event quantifier always takes scope under quantifiers over individuals (the Event Type Principle
in Landman (2000)), but the sub-events analysis has also been argued to be able to account
for some further data, namely for adverbs qualifying ‘ensemble’ events and for mixed cumulative/
distributive readings. This paper shows that the sub-events analysis also provides a better
account of the Event Type Principle if a broader range of data is considered, including cases
with non-existential quantifiers over events: unlike the generalized quantifiers analysis, it can
successfully account for the interpretation of indefinites in bare habituals and sentences that
contain overt adverbs of quantification.
Keywords: quantification, event semantics, generic quantifier, habituals, Q-adverbs.