The affix-clitic distinction and Russian SJA

Abstract

The properties of the reflexive element SJA in Russian are a problem for theories of clitics as well as affixes. SJA is problematic as a clitic, since it attaches to the main verb, it doesn't climb, and it is the only pronominal clitic in the language. SJA is problematic as an affix: it is peripheral on the verb, and thereby violates the Mirror principle. In this paper, I argue that the problems raised by treating SJA as a clitic are insurmountable, and force it to be rejected. I propose solutions to the problems raised by an affix analysis.
I will outline a model of the relation between syntax and morphology that allows a solution to some of the problems that occur when SJA is treated as affix. I will argue that Syntax and Morphology operate side by side, where Syntax creates visible input to Morphology but not vice versa. Affixes are spellouts of syntactic features, clitics are lexical elements present in the syntax which can also be operated on by morphological rules. I will argue that this model allows an account for the specific properties of SJA.