Consequential 'O-clauses in Tongan and licensing of null anaphors

Autor/innen

  • Yuko Otsuka

DOI:

https://doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.34.2004.213

Abstract

In what follows, we will first put forward the claim that syntactic ergativity results from morphological ergativity by examining relativization and pea-coordination in Tongan (Section 2). In Sections 3 and 4, we compare 'O-constructions with pea-constructions to conclude a) that unlike pea, 'O should be regarded as a complementizer rather than a conjunction; and b) that the gap in 'O-clauses is not an outcome of deletion, but a null anaphor. We will then discuss a Minimalist approach to binding proposed by Reuland (2001) and see how it accounts for the distribution and behavior of proSE in Tongan. Some implications of the current proposal are discussed in Section 6, with section 7 in conclusion.

 

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Veröffentlicht

2004

Zitationsvorschlag

Otsuka, Yuko. 2004. „Consequential ’O-Clauses in Tongan and Licensing of Null Anaphors“. ZAS Papers in Linguistics 34 (Januar):203-17. https://doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.34.2004.213.